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Account for decrease in ppl stating no religion?! (1 Viewer)
- Thread starter melly_b
- Start date
snapperhead
Has decided to retire
the religion question on the census is the only "non-compulsory" question on the census .: ppl dont have to answer it. The ABS assumes that if it is not answered, they dont have a 'religion' .: the 'not answered'/'not properly stated' figure gets added to the "I have no religion" option. This combined figure in 2001 was approx. 30% (from memory)melly_b said:Anyone know the answer to this...
Like recently the census shows that ppl stating 'no religion' has decreased...
Whats the reason??
In reality, more ppl are identifying as religious (but not as Christian...Islam, Buddhism, New Age etc) + the % are not reflective of population changes .: no religion has actually increased (slightly) not decreased in proportion to population and those who answer the census q/ (because they add it- if it was left as a raw figure, yes it has decreased but remember they add the didnt answer figures to the stated as no religion answers)
see here:
http://cra.org.au/pages/00000231.cgi
and
http://cra.org.au/pages/00000249.cgi
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snapperhead
Has decided to retire
first link as cut and paste is so much fun!!
copied in case page moves
--------
The question on religion has always been optional in the Australian Population Censuses, and there have generally been between 10 and 12 per cent of the population who have chosen not to answer the question. It may be surmised that their reasons for not answering are many and varied. Some people with high commitment to religious groups have not answered the question because they believe in the separation of religious affairs and government affairs, and thus they believe the government has no business knowing their religious involvements. Many others have failed to answer the question because they have no specific religious affiliation or involvement in a religious community.
goto http://cra.org.au/pages/00000231.cgi
to see pretty graphs!!
The numbers not answering the question rose sharply between 1911 and 1933. In some ways, World War I marked the end of Christendom. The brutality of the war between nations with a Christian heritage convinced many that the Western world had not reached the heights of civilisation and moral superiority claimed for it at the end of the nineteenth century. For many, World War I raised questions about the validity and effectiveness of Christianity as the moral foundation of the Western world.
Throughout the century there have been small numbers describing themselves as humanists, rationalists, agnostics or atheists. In the 2001 Census,
17 565 described themselves as agnostics
24 466 as atheists
5 041 as humanists, and
1 618 as rationalists.
These have been coded by the Australian Bureau of Statistics as 'no religion' and are included in the 'no religion' group in the graph of change over time.
In 1971, the instruction to describe oneself as having 'no religion' if one had no religion was explicitly included in the Census. This was the major reason why the numbers of 'no religion' climbed steeply at that point, while the numbers not answering the question fell.
Between 1971 and 1996, the 'no religion' group rose risen steadily both in numbers and as a proportion of the population while the numbers not answering the question have varied somewhat from one census to another.
The increase in the 'no religion' group has sometimes been taken as an indication of growing secularisation in Australia, that people are turning more to science and technology and away from religion and other spiritual resources. Other recent research has shown that this is not a valid interpretation. The World Values Surveys between 1983 and 1995 showed that the proportion of the population describing themselves as 'religious persons' actually rose in that period, despite the fact that more described themselves as having 'no religion' and larger proportions said they never attended church services.
The rise in 'no religion' can be explained more adequately in terms of the proportion which does not identify with a particular religious group or denomination. Some of these people see themselves as 'spiritual' although not belonging to a religious organisation. Some see themselves as using a range of religious or spiritual resources while not identifying themselves with a particular group. There has been rise in the social acceptability of describing oneself as having no religion.
In 2001 although the numbers that said they had 'no religion' increased, the group declined as a proportion of the population representing 15.9 per cent which proportionately 1.1 per cent fewer than in 1996. Thus while the 'no religion' community has not decreased in itself, a higher proportion of the overall population now identifies with a religious tradition. Part of this proportional decline is probably owing to higher levels of religious affiliation among immigrants to Australia, particularly to Buddhism, Hinduism and Islam. There is also a great deal of evidence to suggest that the decline in institutional religion and the rise of a more individual–focussed society has led to more people exploring alternate spiritualities and picking and chosing among their different elements and beliefs. These people would not classify themselves as having no religion but may struggle to define what their religion was (Hughes 2002).
copied in case page moves
--------
The question on religion has always been optional in the Australian Population Censuses, and there have generally been between 10 and 12 per cent of the population who have chosen not to answer the question. It may be surmised that their reasons for not answering are many and varied. Some people with high commitment to religious groups have not answered the question because they believe in the separation of religious affairs and government affairs, and thus they believe the government has no business knowing their religious involvements. Many others have failed to answer the question because they have no specific religious affiliation or involvement in a religious community.
goto http://cra.org.au/pages/00000231.cgi
to see pretty graphs!!
The numbers not answering the question rose sharply between 1911 and 1933. In some ways, World War I marked the end of Christendom. The brutality of the war between nations with a Christian heritage convinced many that the Western world had not reached the heights of civilisation and moral superiority claimed for it at the end of the nineteenth century. For many, World War I raised questions about the validity and effectiveness of Christianity as the moral foundation of the Western world.
Throughout the century there have been small numbers describing themselves as humanists, rationalists, agnostics or atheists. In the 2001 Census,
17 565 described themselves as agnostics
24 466 as atheists
5 041 as humanists, and
1 618 as rationalists.
These have been coded by the Australian Bureau of Statistics as 'no religion' and are included in the 'no religion' group in the graph of change over time.
In 1971, the instruction to describe oneself as having 'no religion' if one had no religion was explicitly included in the Census. This was the major reason why the numbers of 'no religion' climbed steeply at that point, while the numbers not answering the question fell.
Between 1971 and 1996, the 'no religion' group rose risen steadily both in numbers and as a proportion of the population while the numbers not answering the question have varied somewhat from one census to another.
The increase in the 'no religion' group has sometimes been taken as an indication of growing secularisation in Australia, that people are turning more to science and technology and away from religion and other spiritual resources. Other recent research has shown that this is not a valid interpretation. The World Values Surveys between 1983 and 1995 showed that the proportion of the population describing themselves as 'religious persons' actually rose in that period, despite the fact that more described themselves as having 'no religion' and larger proportions said they never attended church services.
The rise in 'no religion' can be explained more adequately in terms of the proportion which does not identify with a particular religious group or denomination. Some of these people see themselves as 'spiritual' although not belonging to a religious organisation. Some see themselves as using a range of religious or spiritual resources while not identifying themselves with a particular group. There has been rise in the social acceptability of describing oneself as having no religion.
In 2001 although the numbers that said they had 'no religion' increased, the group declined as a proportion of the population representing 15.9 per cent which proportionately 1.1 per cent fewer than in 1996. Thus while the 'no religion' community has not decreased in itself, a higher proportion of the overall population now identifies with a religious tradition. Part of this proportional decline is probably owing to higher levels of religious affiliation among immigrants to Australia, particularly to Buddhism, Hinduism and Islam. There is also a great deal of evidence to suggest that the decline in institutional religion and the rise of a more individual–focussed society has led to more people exploring alternate spiritualities and picking and chosing among their different elements and beliefs. These people would not classify themselves as having no religion but may struggle to define what their religion was (Hughes 2002).
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snapperhead
Has decided to retire
second link. Note section on non-religion esp. the 2nd paragraph
copied here in case page moves
----
Details from 2001 Census
goto page to see graphs
http://cra.org.au/pages/00000249.cgi
The 2001 Census figures on religion were released on Monday 13th June 2002. Most of the trends are similar to those of previous years, but there are a few surprises and a few issues to which attention needs to be drawn.
Christian Growth and Decline
Overall, the population grew by 5.7% during the five years from 1996 to 2001. During that time the numbers identifying with Christianity grew by just 1.4%. In other words, while there was growth in those identifying with a Christian group, that growth did not keep pace with the growth in the population.
Many Christian denominations declined in actual numbers, including the Uniting Church, the Presbyterian and Reformed, The Salvation Army, and, to a lesser extent, the Anglican Church. Among the greatest declines were the Churches of Christ and the Brethren, the former by 18% and the latter by 12%.
Of some surprise was the decline in the numbers of Jehovah's Witnesses, a group which grew strongly between 1991 and 1996.
Several Christian groups grew, but not quite at the rate of the population. These included the Catholics, for whom it was the first time they had grown at a slower rate than the population since the 1970s, the Lutherans, and the Seventh-day Adventists. The Baptists just about held their own as did the Orthodox. The only groups to show significant growth were the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, the Oriental Christians, and the Pentecostals. The Oriental Christians grew by 16%, significantly less than the growth between 1991 and 1996.
A Glitch in the Pentecostal Figures
According to the earliest Census figures released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics, the Pentecostal numbers were considerably less than in 1996. However, it became apparent that those figures did not include the people who had written their denomination as 'Australian Christian Churches'. The Australian Christian Churches is an umbrella organisation for some Pentecostal denominations including the Assemblies of God, and was established in 2000. The Australian Bureau of Statistics has now released up-dated information which includes 75,000 who wrote 'Australian Christian Churches', making a total of almost 195,000 Pentecostals. This means that there was an a growth in those who identified with Pentecostal churches of more than 11% between 1996 and 2001, somewhat less than the growth rate of 16% between 1991 and 1996.
Other Religions
There was remarkable growth among the Buddhists. In 1996, their numbers were similar to those of the Islamic community. But the Buddhists have grown much more rapidly and are now close to 2% of the population. It would seem likely that this rate of growth is not just a product of immigration and birthrate, as has been the case in the past, but an increase in the number of Australians of Anglo-Celtic background describing themselves as Buddhist. For the first time, 'Buddhism' was one of the boxes which could be ticked on the Census. It is likely that some of the people who had previously ticked the 'no religion' box, felt that the 'Buddhist' box better represented their religious leanings.
The Hindu community also grew strongly and outstripped in the numbers on the Census the numbers putting themselves down as 'Jewish'. However, Jewish numbers are somewhat ambiguous, Judaism being both a culture and a religion. Members of the Jewish community have consistently argued that the Jewish religion figures understate the size of the their community. It seems likely that the Jewish community as a whole remains a little larger than the Hindu community.
The Islamic community grew by 40%, a similar rate to the Hindu community, probably largely from immigration from parts of Europe such as Albania, the horn of Africa, and from countries in Asia such as Afghanistan. Because the majority of immigrants are young adults, the numbers born into the Islamic community at this point of time are relatively high.
There was also growth among the Baha'is and Sikhs. Paganism and Wiccan / Witchcraft also grew strongly, further contributing to the variety in Australian religion.
Overall, the proportion of Australians identifying with a religion other than Christianity grew from about 3.5% in 1996 to close to 5% in 2001.
No Religion and Not Stated
One of the biggest surprises was that the 'no religion' numbers actually declined. Given that the 'no religion' group tends to be a little younger than average in age, and other surveys tell us that younger people are less involved with organised religion than older people, this result was not expected. Indeed, it had been suggested that the 'no religion' group might be of similar size to the Anglicans in 2001 Census.
The decline in 'no religion' may be partly off-set by a small increase in those not responding to the question (about 10%). It should be noted that 'no religion' and 'not stated' cannot be added. Some religious people choose not to state their religion on the Census.
It should also be noted that 'no religion' does not imply a blanket rejection of all religion. It generally does mean that people do not wish to identify with any particular religious or denominational group. The Australian Community Survey (1998) found that of those who described themselves as having 'no religion', half said that a spiritual life was important to them and half said they believed in God.
A spokesperson at the Australian Bureau of Statistics has indicated that more than 70,000 people described their religion as 'Jedi', relating to the Star Wars 'phenomenon'. Prior to the taking of the Census, an email was widely circulated urging people to put 'Jedi' on the Census form and suggesting that if sufficient people did so, it would come to be recognised as a new religion. To some extent, then, the 'Jedi' category can be seen as a joke. At the same time, it is indicative that religion is increasingly seen as something which captures the attention and imagination of individuals, not just well-defined and organised communities with long traditions. It is also indicative of the importance of film specifically and the mass media in general, in the ways people identify what life is about.
The Importance of Religious Identity
What do these figures from the Census mean? Do people consider these identifications important to the ways in which they see themselves? Does religion play an important role in people's sense of identity? Of all those making such an identification, less than one third attend gatherings of a religious community monthly or more often, and only one half of them are present at the major religious festivals. When they speak of themselves as 'Anglican' or 'Catholic', 'Buddhist' or 'Orthodox' are they referring to an identity which has been passed down over the generations, or something of which they have personal ownership?
The Australian Community Survey (1998) provides some information on this. The question was asked how important were a variety of options in the ways in which people described themselves. The list included the following:
your gender
your education
the country you or your ancestors came from
your job or occupation
your family's income
your social class
your character and personality.
Ten per cent of the respondents said that their religion was the single most important category in describing who they were. Another 11% said their religious identity was extremely important, but 43% said it was not important at all. Compared with most other factors, religion does not rate highly among Australians in their self-description. Being Australian, gender, the person's job or occupation, income, education and country of origin all have greater importance.
Most who said religion was important in describing themselves were involved in a religious community. In other words, those people who attend a church, synagogue, mosque or temple are most likely to say that their religious identity is important to them.
Those people who said that the country they or their ancestors came from was important in describing themselves were also more likely to say that their religion was important in describing themselves. In many countries, particular religions or denominations have close links with the culture and identity of people, and this continues to be reflected among some immigrants to Australia.
The Census figures should never be confused with attendance figures. They do not tell us what people practice, but they do tell us the ways people see themselves. Most Australians continue to identify with one religious group or another.
Philip Hughes
copied here in case page moves
----
Details from 2001 Census
goto page to see graphs
http://cra.org.au/pages/00000249.cgi
The 2001 Census figures on religion were released on Monday 13th June 2002. Most of the trends are similar to those of previous years, but there are a few surprises and a few issues to which attention needs to be drawn.
Christian Growth and Decline
Overall, the population grew by 5.7% during the five years from 1996 to 2001. During that time the numbers identifying with Christianity grew by just 1.4%. In other words, while there was growth in those identifying with a Christian group, that growth did not keep pace with the growth in the population.
Many Christian denominations declined in actual numbers, including the Uniting Church, the Presbyterian and Reformed, The Salvation Army, and, to a lesser extent, the Anglican Church. Among the greatest declines were the Churches of Christ and the Brethren, the former by 18% and the latter by 12%.
Of some surprise was the decline in the numbers of Jehovah's Witnesses, a group which grew strongly between 1991 and 1996.
Several Christian groups grew, but not quite at the rate of the population. These included the Catholics, for whom it was the first time they had grown at a slower rate than the population since the 1970s, the Lutherans, and the Seventh-day Adventists. The Baptists just about held their own as did the Orthodox. The only groups to show significant growth were the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, the Oriental Christians, and the Pentecostals. The Oriental Christians grew by 16%, significantly less than the growth between 1991 and 1996.
A Glitch in the Pentecostal Figures
According to the earliest Census figures released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics, the Pentecostal numbers were considerably less than in 1996. However, it became apparent that those figures did not include the people who had written their denomination as 'Australian Christian Churches'. The Australian Christian Churches is an umbrella organisation for some Pentecostal denominations including the Assemblies of God, and was established in 2000. The Australian Bureau of Statistics has now released up-dated information which includes 75,000 who wrote 'Australian Christian Churches', making a total of almost 195,000 Pentecostals. This means that there was an a growth in those who identified with Pentecostal churches of more than 11% between 1996 and 2001, somewhat less than the growth rate of 16% between 1991 and 1996.
Other Religions
There was remarkable growth among the Buddhists. In 1996, their numbers were similar to those of the Islamic community. But the Buddhists have grown much more rapidly and are now close to 2% of the population. It would seem likely that this rate of growth is not just a product of immigration and birthrate, as has been the case in the past, but an increase in the number of Australians of Anglo-Celtic background describing themselves as Buddhist. For the first time, 'Buddhism' was one of the boxes which could be ticked on the Census. It is likely that some of the people who had previously ticked the 'no religion' box, felt that the 'Buddhist' box better represented their religious leanings.
The Hindu community also grew strongly and outstripped in the numbers on the Census the numbers putting themselves down as 'Jewish'. However, Jewish numbers are somewhat ambiguous, Judaism being both a culture and a religion. Members of the Jewish community have consistently argued that the Jewish religion figures understate the size of the their community. It seems likely that the Jewish community as a whole remains a little larger than the Hindu community.
The Islamic community grew by 40%, a similar rate to the Hindu community, probably largely from immigration from parts of Europe such as Albania, the horn of Africa, and from countries in Asia such as Afghanistan. Because the majority of immigrants are young adults, the numbers born into the Islamic community at this point of time are relatively high.
There was also growth among the Baha'is and Sikhs. Paganism and Wiccan / Witchcraft also grew strongly, further contributing to the variety in Australian religion.
Overall, the proportion of Australians identifying with a religion other than Christianity grew from about 3.5% in 1996 to close to 5% in 2001.
No Religion and Not Stated
One of the biggest surprises was that the 'no religion' numbers actually declined. Given that the 'no religion' group tends to be a little younger than average in age, and other surveys tell us that younger people are less involved with organised religion than older people, this result was not expected. Indeed, it had been suggested that the 'no religion' group might be of similar size to the Anglicans in 2001 Census.
The decline in 'no religion' may be partly off-set by a small increase in those not responding to the question (about 10%). It should be noted that 'no religion' and 'not stated' cannot be added. Some religious people choose not to state their religion on the Census.
It should also be noted that 'no religion' does not imply a blanket rejection of all religion. It generally does mean that people do not wish to identify with any particular religious or denominational group. The Australian Community Survey (1998) found that of those who described themselves as having 'no religion', half said that a spiritual life was important to them and half said they believed in God.
A spokesperson at the Australian Bureau of Statistics has indicated that more than 70,000 people described their religion as 'Jedi', relating to the Star Wars 'phenomenon'. Prior to the taking of the Census, an email was widely circulated urging people to put 'Jedi' on the Census form and suggesting that if sufficient people did so, it would come to be recognised as a new religion. To some extent, then, the 'Jedi' category can be seen as a joke. At the same time, it is indicative that religion is increasingly seen as something which captures the attention and imagination of individuals, not just well-defined and organised communities with long traditions. It is also indicative of the importance of film specifically and the mass media in general, in the ways people identify what life is about.
The Importance of Religious Identity
What do these figures from the Census mean? Do people consider these identifications important to the ways in which they see themselves? Does religion play an important role in people's sense of identity? Of all those making such an identification, less than one third attend gatherings of a religious community monthly or more often, and only one half of them are present at the major religious festivals. When they speak of themselves as 'Anglican' or 'Catholic', 'Buddhist' or 'Orthodox' are they referring to an identity which has been passed down over the generations, or something of which they have personal ownership?
The Australian Community Survey (1998) provides some information on this. The question was asked how important were a variety of options in the ways in which people described themselves. The list included the following:
your gender
your education
the country you or your ancestors came from
your job or occupation
your family's income
your social class
your character and personality.
Ten per cent of the respondents said that their religion was the single most important category in describing who they were. Another 11% said their religious identity was extremely important, but 43% said it was not important at all. Compared with most other factors, religion does not rate highly among Australians in their self-description. Being Australian, gender, the person's job or occupation, income, education and country of origin all have greater importance.
Most who said religion was important in describing themselves were involved in a religious community. In other words, those people who attend a church, synagogue, mosque or temple are most likely to say that their religious identity is important to them.
Those people who said that the country they or their ancestors came from was important in describing themselves were also more likely to say that their religion was important in describing themselves. In many countries, particular religions or denominations have close links with the culture and identity of people, and this continues to be reflected among some immigrants to Australia.
The Census figures should never be confused with attendance figures. They do not tell us what people practice, but they do tell us the ways people see themselves. Most Australians continue to identify with one religious group or another.
Philip Hughes
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